General Prolegomena: Constantine the Great.
§2. The First Five Years of Reign.
§2. Inherited Characteristics.
§6. Religious Characteristics.
1. Constantine and his Mother Helena .
2. Constantine the Son of a British Princess.
3. Constantine’s Leprosy Healing and Baptism by Silvester .
5. Dream concerning the Founding of Constantinople .
Chapter II.— The Preface Continued.
Chapter III.— How God honors Pious Princes, but destroys Tyrants.
Chapter IV.— That God honored Constantine.
Chapter V.— That he reigned above Thirty Years, and lived above Sixty .
Chapter VI.— That he was the Servant of God, and the Conqueror of Nations.
Chapter VII.— Comparison with Cyrus, King of the Persians, and with Alexander of Macedon.
Chapter VIII.— That he conquered nearly the Whole World.
Chapter IX.— That he was the Son of a Pious Emperor, and bequeathed the Power to Royal Sons.
Chapter X.— Of the Need for this History, and its Value for Edification.
Chapter XI.— That his Present Object is to record only the Pious Actions of Constantine.
Chapter XII.— That like Moses, he was reared in the Palaces of Kings.
Chapter XV.— Of the Persecution raised by his Colleagues.
Chapter XVII.— Of his Christian Manner of Life.
Chapter XIX.— Of his Son Constantine, who in his Youth accompanied Diocletian into Palestine.
Chapter XX.— Flight of Constantine to his Father because of the Plots of Diocletian .
Chapter XXI.— Death of Constantius, who leaves his Son Constantine Emperor.
Chapter XXIII.— A Brief Notice of the Destruction of the Tyrants.
Chapter XXIV.— It was by the Will of God that Constantine became possessed of the Empire.
Chapter XXV.— Victories of Constantine over the Barbarians and the Britons.
Chapter XXVI.— How he resolved to deliver Rome from Maxentius.
Chapter XXX.— The Making of the Standard of the Cross.
Chapter XXXI.— A Description of the Standard of the Cross, which the Romans now call the Labarum.
Chapter XXXII.— How Constantine received Instruction, and read the Sacred Scriptures.
Chapter XXXIII.— Of the Adulterous Conduct of Maxentius at Rome.
Chapter XXXIV.— How the Wife of a Prefect slew herself for Chastity’s Sake.
Chapter XXXV.— Massacre of the Roman People by Maxentius.
Chapter XXXVI.— Magic Arts of Maxentius against Constantine and Famine at Rome.
Chapter XXXVII.— Defeat of Maxentius’s Armies in Italy.
Chapter XXXVIII.— Death of Maxentius on the Bridge of the Tiber.
Chapter XXXIX.— Constantine’s Entry into Rome.
Chapter XL.— Of the Statue of Constantine holding a Cross, and its Inscription.
Chapter XLI.— Rejoicings throughout the Provinces and Constantine’s Acts of Grace.
Chapter XLII.— The Honors Conferred upon Bishops, and the Building of Churches.
Chapter XLIII.— Constantine’s Liberality to the Poor.
Chapter XLIV.— How he was present at the Synods of Bishops.
Chapter XLV.— His Forbearance with Unreasonable Men.
Chapter XLVI.— Victories over the Barbarians.
Chapter XLVIII.— Celebration of Constantine’s Decennalia.
Chapter XLIX.— How Licinius oppressed the East.
Chapter L.— How Licinius attempted a Conspiracy against Constantine.
Chapter LI.— Intrigues of Licinius against the Bishops, and his Prohibition of Synods.
Chapter LII.— Banishment of the Christians, and Confiscation of their Property.
Chapter LIII.— Edict that Women should not meet with the Men in the Churches.
Chapter LV.— The Lawless Conduct and Covetousness of Licinius.
Chapter LVI.— At length he undertakes to raise a Persecution.
Chapter LIX.— That Maximin, blinded by Disease, issued an Edict in Favor of the Christians.
Chapter II.— Demolition of Churches, and Butchery of the Bishops.
Chapter III.— How Constantine was stirred in Behalf of the Christians thus in Danger of Persecution.
Chapter VII.— That Victory everywhere followed the Presence of the Standard of the Cross in Battle.
Chapter VIII.— That Fifty Men were selected to carry the Cross.
Chapter X.— Various Battles, and Constantine’s Victories.
Chapter XI.— Flight, and Magic Arts of Licinius.
Chapter XII.— How Constantine, after praying in his Tabernacle, obtained the Victory.
Chapter XIII.— His Humane Treatment of Prisoners.
Chapter XIV.— A Farther Mention of his Prayers in the Tabernacle.
Chapter XV.— Treacherous Friendship, and Idolatrous Practices of Licinius.
Chapter XVI.— How Licinius counseled his Soldiers not to attack the Standard of the Cross.
Chapter XVII.— Constantine’s Victory.
Chapter XVIII.— Death of Licinius, and Celebration of the Event.
Chapter XIX.— Rejoicings and Festivities.
Chapter XX.— Constantine’s Enactments in Favor of the Confessors.
Chapter XXI.— His Laws concerning Martyrs, and concerning Ecclesiastical Property.
Chapter XXII.— How he won the Favor of the People.
Chapter XXIV.— Law of Constantine respecting Piety towards God, and the Christian Religion.
Chapter XXV.— An Illustration from Ancient Times.
Chapter XXVI.— Of Persecuted and Persecutors.
Chapter XXVII.— How the Persecution became the Occasion of Calamities to the Aggressors.
Chapter XXVIII.— That God chose Constantine to be the Minister of Blessing.
Chapter XXIX.— Constantine’s Expressions of Piety towards God and Praise of the Confessors.
Chapter XXXI.— Release likewise granted to Exiles in the Islands.
Chapter XXXII.— And to those ignominiously employed in the Mines and Public Works.
Chapter XXXIII.— Concerning those Confessors engaged in Military Service.
Chapter XXXVII — Lands, Gardens, or Houses, but not Actual Produce from them, are to be given back.
Chapter XXXVIII.— In what Manner Requests should be made for these.
Chapter XXXIX.— The Treasury must restore Lands, Gardens, and Houses to the Churches.
Chapter XLII.— An Earnest Exhortation to worship God.
Chapter XLIII.— How the Enactments of Constantine were carried into Effect.
Chapter XLV.— Statutes which forbade Sacrifice, and enjoined the Building of Churches.
Chapter XLVII.— That he wrote a Letter in Condemnation of Idolatry.
Chapter XLIX.— Concerning Constantine’s Pious Father, and the Persecutors Diocletian and Maximian.
Chapter LII.— The Manifold Forms of Torture and Punishment practiced against the Christians.
Chapter LIII.— That the Barbarians kindly received the Christians.
Chapter LIV.— What Vengeance overtook those who on Account of the Oracle raised the Persecution.
Chapter LVI.— He prays that All may be Christians, but compels None.
Chapter LVII.— He gives Glory to God, who has given Light by his Son to those who were in Error.
Chapter LVIII.— He glorifies him again for his Government of the Universe.
Chapter LIX.— He gives Glory to God, as the Constant Teacher of Good.
Chapter LX.— An Admonition at the Close of the Edict, that No One should trouble his Neighbor.
Chapter LXI.— How Controversies originated at Alexandria through Matters relating to Arius.
Chapter LXII.— Concerning the Same Arius, and the Melitians.
Chapter LXIII.— How Constantine sent a Messenger and a Letter concerning Peace.
Chapter LXIV.— Constantine’s Letter to Alexander the Bishop, and Arius the Presbyter.
Chapter LXV.— His Continual Anxiety for Peace.
Chapter LXVI.— That he also adjusted the Controversies which had arisen in Africa.
Chapter LXVII.— That Religion began in the East.
Chapter LXVIII.— Being grieved by the Dissension, he counsels Peace.
Chapter LXX.— An Exhortation to Unanimity.
Chapter LXXI.— There should be no Contention in Matters which are in themselves of Little Moment.
Chapter LXXIII.— The Controversy continues without Abatement, even after the Receipt of This Letter.
Chapter III.— Of his Picture surmounted by a Cross and having beneath it a Dragon.
Chapter IV.— A Farther Notice of the Controversies raised in Egypt by Arius.
Chapter V.— Of the Disagreement respecting the Celebration of Easter.
Chapter VI.— How he ordered a Council to be held at Nicæa.
Chapter VII.— Of the General Council, at which Bishops from all Nations were Present.
Chapter IX.— Of the Virtue and Age of the Two Hundred and Fifty Bishops.
Chapter X.— Council in the Palace. Constantine, entering, took his Seat in the Assembly.
Chapter XI.— Silence of the Council, after Some Words by the Bishop Eusebius.
Chapter XII.— Constantine’s Address to the Council concerning Peace.
Chapter XIII.— How he led the Dissentient Bishops to Harmony of Sentiment.
Chapter XIV.— Unanimous Declaration of the Council concerning Faith, and the Celebration of Easter.
Chapter XV.— How Constantine entertained the Bishops on the Occasion of His Vicennalia.
Chapter XVI.— Presents to the Bishops, and Letters to the People generally.
Chapter XVII.— Constantine’s Letter to the Churches respecting the Council at Nicæa.
Chapter XIX.— Exhortation to follow the Example of the Greater Part of the World.
Chapter XX.— Exhortation to obey the Decrees of the Council.
Chapter XXI.— Recommendation to the Bishops, on their Departure, to Preserve Harmony.
Chapter XXII.— How he dismissed Some, and wrote Letters to Others also his Presents.
Chapter XXIII.— How he wrote to the Egyptians, exhorting them to Peace.
Chapter XXIV.— How he wrote Frequent Letters of a Religious Character to the Bishops and People.
Chapter XXVI.— That the Holy Sepulchre had been covered with Rubbish and with Idols by the Ungodly.
Chapter XXVIII.— Discovery of the Most Holy Sepulchre.
Chapter XXX.— Constantine’s Letter to Macarius respecting the Building of the Church of our Saviour.
Chapter XXXIV.— Description of the Structure of the Holy Sepulchre.
Chapter XXXV.— Description of the Atrium and Porticos.
Chapter XXXVI.— Description of the Walls, Roof, Decoration, and Gilding of the Body of the Church.
Chapter XXXVII.— Description of the Double Porticos on Either Side, and of the Three Eastern Gates.
Chapter XXXVIII.— Description of the Hemisphere, the Twelve Columns, and their Bowls.
Chapter XXXIX.— Description of the Inner Court, the Arcades and Porches.
Chapter XL.— Of the Number of his Offerings.
Chapter XLI.— Of the Erection of Churches in Bethlehem, and on the Mount of Olives.
Chapter XLIII.— A Farther Notice of the Churches at Bethlehem.
Chapter XLIV.— Of Helena’s Generosity and Beneficent Acts.
Chapter XLV.— Helena’s Pious Conduct in the Churches.
Chapter XLVI.— How she made her Will, and died at the Age of Eighty Years.
Chapter XLVII.— How Constantine buried his Mother, and how he honored her during her Life.
Chapter XLIX.— Representation of the Cross in the Palace, and of Daniel at the Public Fountains.
Chapter L.— That he erected Churches in Nicomedia, and in Other Cities.
Chapter LI.— That he ordered a Church to be built at Mambre.
Chapter LII.— Constantine’s Letter to Eusebius concerning Mambre.
Chapter LIII.— That the Saviour appeared in this Place to Abraham.
Chapter LIV.— Destruction of Idol Temples and Images everywhere.
Chapter LVI.— Destruction of the Temple of Æsculapius at Ægæ.
Chapter LVII.— How the Gentiles abandoned Idol Worship, and turned to the Knowledge of God.
Chapter LIX.— Of the Disturbance at Antioch by Eustathius.
Chapter LXI.— The Emperor’s Letter to Eusebius praising him for refusing the Bishopric of Antioch.
Chapter LXIII.— How he displayed his Zeal for the Extirpation of Heresies.
Chapter LXIV.— Constantine’s Edict against the Heretics.
Chapter LXV.— The Heretics are deprived of their Meeting Places.
Chapter II.— Remission of a Fourth Part of the Taxes.
Chapter III.— Equalization of the More Oppressive Taxes.
Chapter V.— Conquest of the Scythians defeated through the Sign of Our Saviour.
Chapter VI.— Conquest of the Sarmatians, consequent on the Rebellion of their Slaves.
Chapter VII.— Ambassadors from Different Barbarous Nations receive Presents from the Emperor.
Chapter X.— The Writer denounces Idols, and glorifies God.
Chapter XI.— Against the Tyrants and Persecutors and on the Captivity of Valerian.
Chapter XIII.— He bespeaks his Affectionate Interest for the Christians in his Country.
Chapter XIV.— How the Zealous Prayers of Constantine procured Peace to the Christians.
Chapter XVI.— He forbids by Law the Placing his Likeness in Idol Temples.
Chapter XVII.— Of his Prayers in the Palace, and his Reading the Holy Scriptures.
Chapter XVIII.— He enjoins the General Observance of the Lord’s Day, and the Day of Preparation.
Chapter XIX.— That he directed even his Pagan Soldiers to pray on the Lord’s Day.
Chapter XX.— The Form of Prayer given by Constantine to his Soldiers.
Chapter XXI.— He orders the Sign of the Saviour’s Cross to be engraven on his Soldiers’ Shields.
Chapter XXII.— Of his Zeal in Prayer, and the Honor he paid to the Feast of Easter.
Chapter XXIII.— How he forbade Idolatrous Worship, but honored Martyrs and the Church Festivals.
Chapter XXVI.— Amendment of the Law in Force respecting Childless Persons, and of the Law of Wills.
Chapter XXVIII.— His Gifts to the Churches, and Bounties to Virgins and to the Poor.
Chapter XXIX.— Of Constantine’s Discourses and Declamations.
Chapter XXXI.— That he was derided because of his Excessive Clemency.
Chapter XXXII.— Of Constantine’s Oration which he wrote to the Assembly of the Saints.
Chapter XXXV.— Constantine’s Letter to Eusebius, in praise of his Discourse concerning Easter.
Chapter XXXVII.— How the Copies were provided.
Chapter XLII.— Constantine’s Letter to the Council at Tyre.
Chapter XLIII.— Bishops from all the Provinces attended the Dedication of the Church at Jerusalem.
Chapter XLVIII.— That Constantine was displeased with one who praised him excessively.
Chapter XLIX.— Marriage of his Son Constantius Cæsar.
Chapter L.— Embassy and Presents from the Indians.
Chapter LII.— That after they had reached Man’s Estate he was their Guide in Piety.
Chapter LIV.— Of those who abused His Extreme Benevolence for Avarice and Hypocrisy.
Chapter LV.— Constantine employed himself in Composition of Various Kinds to the Close of his Life.
Chapter LVIII.— Concerning the Building of a Church in Honor of the Apostles at Constantinople.
Chapter LIX.— Farther Description of the same Church.
Chapter LX.— He also erected his own Sepulchral Monument in this Church.
Chapter LXI.— His Sickness at Helenopolis, and Prayers respecting his Baptism.
Chapter LXIII.— How after his Baptism he rendered Thanks to God.
Chapter LXIV.— Constantine’s Death at Noon on the Feast of Pentecost.
Chapter LXV.— Lamentations of the Soldiery and their Officers.
Chapter LXVI.— Removal of the Body from Nicomedia to the Palace at Constantinople.
Chapter LXVII.— He received the same Honors from the Counts and other Officers as before his Death.
Chapter LXVIII.— Resolution of the Army to confer thence-forward the Title of Augustus on his Sons.
Chapter LXX.— His Burial by his Son Constantius at Constantinople.
Chapter LXXII.— Of the Phœnix.
Chapter LXXIII.— How Constantine is represented on Coins in the Act of ascending to Heaven.
Chapter LXXIV.— The God whom he had honored deservedly honored him in Return.
Chapter LXXV.— He surpassed all Preceding Emperors in Devotion to God.
Chapter IV.— On the Error of Idolatrous Worship.
Chapter XI.— On the Coming of our Lord in the Flesh its Nature and Cause.
§4. Second Five Years.
This period was most momentous for the world’s history. Maxentius, seeking an excuse for war against Constantine, found it in a pretended desire to avenge his father (Zos. 2. 14), and prepared for war. 23 Eusebius represents the occasion of Constantine’s movement as a philanthropic compassion for the people of Rome (V. C. 1. 26; H. E. 9. 9). Praxagoras (ed. Müller, p. 1) says distinctly that it was to avenge those who suffered under the tyrannical rule of Maxentius and Nazarius (Paneg. c. 19), that it was “for liberating Italy.” So, too, Nazarius (Paneg. [321] c. 27), Zonaras (13. 1), Cedrenus, and Ephraem (p. 22) speak of a legation of the Romans petitioning him to go. Undoubtedly he did pity them, and as to the legation, every Roman who found his way to Trèves must have been an informal ambassador asking help. The fact seems to be that he had long suspected Maxentius (Zos. 2. 15), and now, learning of his preparations for war, saw that his suspicions were well grounded. Whatever underlying motive of personal ambition there may have been, it is probable that the philanthropic motive was his justification and pretext to his own conscience for the attempt to rid himself of this suspected and dangerous neighbor. Zosimus being Zosimus, it is probable that Maxentius was the aggressor if he says so. Eusebius represents the occasion of Constantine’s movement as a philanthropic compassion for the people of Rome (V. C. 1. 26; H. E. 9. 9). Praxagoras (ed. Müller, p. 1) says distinctly that it was to avenge those who suffered under the tyrannical rule of Maxentius and Nazarius (Paneg. c. 19), that it was “for liberating Italy.” So, too, Nazarius (Paneg. [321] c. 27), Zonaras (13. 1), Cedrenus, and Ephraem (p. 22) speak of a legation of the Romans petitioning him to go. Undoubtedly he did pity them, and as to the legation, every Roman who found his way to Trèves must have been an informal ambassador asking help. The fact seems to be that he had long suspected Maxentius (Zos. 2. 15), and now, learning of his preparations for war, saw that his suspicions were well grounded. Whatever underlying motive of personal ambition there may have been, it is probable that the philanthropic motive was his justification and pretext to his own conscience for the attempt to rid himself of this suspected and dangerous neighbor. Zosimus being Zosimus, it is probable that Maxentius was the aggressor if he says so. Like his father before him, however, he did not know his man. Constantine’s mind was prepared. He was alert and ready to act. He gathered all the forces, German, Gallic, and British (Zos. 2. 15) that he could muster, left a portion for the protection of the Rhine, entered Italy by way of the Alps ( Paneg. ), and marched to meet the much more numerous forces of Maxentius,—Romans, Italians, Tuscans, Carthagenians, and Sicilians (Zos. 2. 15). 24 Constantine numbered, according to Zosimus, 90,000 foot, 8,000 horse; and Maxentius, 170,000 foot, and 18,000 horse. According to Panegyr. (313) c. 3, he left the major part of his army to guard the Rhine and went to meet a force of 100,000 men with less than 40,000 (c. 5). Constantine numbered, according to Zosimus, 90,000 foot, 8,000 horse; and Maxentius, 170,000 foot, and 18,000 horse. According to Panegyr. (313) c. 3, he left the major part of his army to guard the Rhine and went to meet a force of 100,000 men with less than 40,000 (c. 5). First Sigusium was taken by storm (Naz. Paneg. [321] c. 17 and 21; Paneg. [313] c. 5); then the cavalry of Maxentius was defeated at Turin (Naz. Paneg. [321] c. 22; Paneg. [313] c. 6). After a few days’ rest in Milan ( Paneg. [313] c. 7) he continued his triumphant march, defeating the enemy again in a cavalry engagement at Brescia (Naz. Paneg. c. 25), and taking the strongly fortified Verona after a hard-fought battle before the walls (Anon. Vales. p. 473; Paneg. [313]; Naz. Paneg. c. 25–26). This had taken him out of his way a little; but now there were no enemies in the rear, and he was free to push on to Rome, on his way whither, if not earlier, he had his famous vision of the cross. 25 See note on Bk. I. c. 28. See note on Bk. I. c. 28. He reached the Tiber October 26. Maxentius, tempted by a dubious oracle 26 That “on the same day the enemy of the Romans should perish” (Lact. c. 44.). issued from Rome, crossed the Tiber, and joined battle. His apparently unwise action in staking so much on a pitched battle has its explanation, if we could believe Zosimus (2. 15), Eusebius ( V. C. 1. 38), Praxagoras, and others. His object was, it is said, by a feigned retreat to tempt Constantine across the bridge of boats which he had built in such a way that it could be broken, and the enemy let into the river. 27 The circumstance pronounced by Wordsworth “almost incredible” is witnessed to by Eusebius (V. C. 1. 38), Zosimus (2. 15), Praxagoras (ed. Müller, p. 1). The bridge certainly broke as mentioned by Lactantius (c. 44) and as represented on the triumphal arch, but whether the “plot” was an ex post facto notion or not is unclear. If it was a trick, he at least fell into his own pit. The dissipated soldiers of Maxentius gave way before the hardy followers of Constantine, fired by his own energy and the sight of the cross. The defeat was a rout. The bridge broke. Maxentius, caught in the jam, was cast headlong into the river (Anon. Val. p. 473; Lact. c. 44; Chron. Pasch. p. 521, &c.); and after a vain attempt to climb out on the steep bank opposite ( Paneg. [313] c. 17), was swept away by the stream. The next day his body was found, the head cut off (Praxag.; Anon. Vales. p. 473), and carried into the city (Anon. Vales. p. 473) on the point of a spear ( Paneg. [313] c. 18; Zos. 2. 17; Praxag. p. 1). Constantine entered the city in triumph amid rejoicings of the people, 28 “Senate and people rejoiced with incredible rejoicing” (Vict. Cæs. p. 159). Cf. Euseb. V. C. 1. 39; Paneg. [313] c. 19; Naz. Paneg. c. 30; Chron. Pasch. p. 521, &c. exacted penalties from a few of those most intimate with Maxentius (Zos. 2. 17), 29 It is said he put to death Romulus, son of Maxentius, but it lacks evidence, and the fact that Romulus was consul for two years (208–9) with Maxentius, and then Maxentius appears alone, seems to indicate that he died in 209 or 210 (cf. Clinton, under the years 208 and 209). disbanded the Prætorian Guards (Vict. Cæs. p. 159; Zos. 2. 17), raised a statue to himself, and did many other things which are recorded; and if he did as many things which are not recorded as there are recorded things which he did not do, he must have been very busy in the short time he remained there. 30 For the churches he is said to have founded, compare note on Bk. I. ch. 42. The curious patchwork triumphal arch which still stands in a state of respectable dilapidation near the Coliseum at Rome, was erected in honor of this victory. It is to be hoped that it was erected after Constantine had gone, and that his æsthetic character is not to be charged with this crime. It was an arch to Trajan made over for the occasion,—by itself and piecemeal of great interest. Apart from the mutilation made for the glory of Constantine, it is a noble piece of work. The changes made were artistic disfigurements; but art’s loss is science’s gain, and for the historian it is most interesting. The phrase “instinctu divinitatis” has its value in the “Hoc signo” discussion (cf. notes to the V. C.); and the sculptures are most suggestive.
Constantine was now sole emperor in the West, and the emperors were reduced to three. History was making fast. After a very brief stay in Rome he returned to Milan (Lact. c. 45), where Licinius met him (Anon. Vales. p. 473; Lact. c. 25; Vict. Epit. p. 50; Zos. 2. 17, &c.). It had become of mutual advantage to these emperors to join alliance. So a betrothal had been made, and now the marriage of Licinius to the sister of Constantine was celebrated (cf. refs. above Lact.; Vict.; Zos.; Anon. Vales.). At the same time the famous Second Edict or Edict of Milan was drawn up by the two emperors (Euseb. H. E. 10. 5; Lact. c. 48), and probably proclaimed. 31 It has been maintained that there were three edicts of Constantine up to this time: 1. Galerius, Constantine, and Licinius in 311; 2. Constantine and Licinius in 312 (lost); 3. Constantine and Licinius in 313 (cf. Keim, p. 16 and 81–84; Zahn, p. 33). So Gass in Herzog, p. 201, Wordsworth (Ch. Hist.), and others. But, like most certain things, it seems to have been disproved. The “harder edict” seems to have been a product of Eusebius’ rather slovenly historical method, and to refer to the first, or Galerian edict. Constantine then returned to Gaul (Anon. Vales. p. 473; Zos. 11. 17), where he was forced into another sort of strenuous warfare—the ecclesiastical, taking a hand somewhat against his will in trying to settle the famous Donatist schism. 32 The appeal of the Donatists to Constantine was first met by the appointment of a “court of enquiry,” held at Rome, Oct. 2, 313. The result was unsatisfactory, and Constantine ordered an examination on the spot, which took place at Carthage, Feb. 15, 314 (Phillott). The Donatists still urging, the Council of Arles was called, Aug. 1, 314, and some progress seemed to be made, but progress more satisfactory to the orthodox than to the schismatics, who urged again that Constantine hear the matter himself, as he finally did, November, 316 (Wordsworth; cf. Augustine, Ep. 43, ¶20). He confirmed the previous findings, and took vigorous but ineffective measures to suppress the Donatists, measures which he saw afterwards could not be carried out, and perhaps saw to be unjust. Compare Augustine, Ep. 43, ch. 2, and elsewhere, also various documents from Augustine, Lactantius, Eusebius, Optatus, &c., collected in Migne, Patrol. Lat. 8 (1844), 673–784. Compare also Fuller, Donatism, Phillott, Felix,—articles in Smith and W. Dict. &c.; and for general sources and literature, cf. Donatist Schism, Hartranft, in Schaff, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 4 (1887), 369–72; Völter, Ursprung des Donatismus, 1883; and Seeck in Brieger’s Zeitschrift f. Kirchengeschichte, 10 (1889), 505–508.
Licinius had a more critical problem to meet. Maximin thought it a good time to strike while Licinius was off in Milan engaged in festivities (Lact. c. 45); but the latter, hastily gathering his troops and pushing on by forced marches, met near Heraclea and utterly defeated him (Lact. c. 46). Maximin fled precipitately, escaping the sword only to die a more terrible death that same summer (Lact. c. 49; Euseb. V. C. 1. 58; cf. Zos. 2. 17). 33 According to Lactantius (c. 49), an attempt at suicide by poison was followed by a wretched disease, bringing to a lingering and most painful death. The death of Maximin cleared the field still farther. Through progressive subtractions the number of emperors had been reduced to two,—one in the East and one in the West.
They, too, promptly fell out. The next year they were at war. Causes and pretexts were various; but the pretext, if not the cause, was in general that Licinius proved an accomplice after the fact, at least, to a plot against Constantine. 34 Bassianus, who had married Anastasia, sister of Constantine, was incited by his brother, who was an adherent of Licinius, to revolt against Constantine. The attempt was nipped in the bud, and Constantine demanded from Licinius the author of the plot. His refusal, together with the throwing down of the statues of Constantine, was the direct occasion of the war (Anon. Vales. p. 473). Compare Eusebius, V. C. 1. 50–51, and Socr. 1. 3, where Licinius is charged with repeated treachery, perjury, and hypocrisy. Zosimus, on the other hand (2. 18), distinctly says that Licinius was not to blame, but that Constantine, with characteristic faithlessness to their agreement, tried to alienate some of Licinius’ provinces. Here, however, notice that Zosimus would not count any movement in behalf of Christians as a proper motive, and sympathy for them was undoubtedly one of the underlying reasons. Whatever the immediate cause, it was one of the inevitabilities of fate. Another vigorous campaign followed, characterized by the same decisive action and personal courage on the part of Constantine which he had already shown, and which supplied his lack of soldiers. 35 Constantine at Cibalis had 20,000 Licinius 35,000 (Anon. Vales. p. 473). First at Cibalis in Pannonia (Oct. 8), 36 Zos. 2. 18; “by a sudden attack” (Eutrop. 10. 4); “by night” (Vict. Epit. p. 50). Cf. Orosius, c. 28. then in a desperate battle at Mardia, Licinius was defeated and forced to make peace (Anon. Vales. p. 474; Zos. 2. 19–20). The world was re-divided between the affectionate brothers-in-law, and Constantine took Illyrium to his other possessions. 37 After the battle of Cibalis the Greeks and the Macedonians, the inhabitants of the banks of the Danube, of Achaia, and the whole nation of Illyrica became subject to Constantine (Soz. 1. 6; cf. Anon. Vales. p. 474; Zos. 2. 20; Oros. c. 28, &c.). After this battle and the re-division there was a truce between the emperors for some years, during the early part of which (in 316 or 315) the Decennalia of Constantine were celebrated (Euseb. V. C. 1. 48).